Dassonneville and Çakır (2021) argue that not all ideological dimensions are equally important. Figures 3-5 show variation of polarization on three dimensions over time. On which dimension is the party system polarization the weakest?

(hint: compare the three figures and read p. 9 carefully)

Question

Dassonneville and Çakır (2021) argue that not all ideological dimensions are equally important. Figures 3-5 show variation of polarization on three dimensions over time. On which dimension is the party system polarization the weakest?

(hint: compare the three figures and read p. 9 carefully)

BlackTom AI · Accepted Answer

The prompt asks us to identify on which ideological dimension party system polarization is weakest, based on Figures 3–5 and the text on page 9 of Dassonneville and Çakır (2021).

Option A: economic dimension
- Reasoning: If the economic dimension showed clear, pronounced swings or high polarization across the time series in Figures 3–5, one would describe it as strongly polarized. However, the question’s hint directs you to compare the three figures and the textual guidance, and the weakest polarization is not typically associated with the economic dimension in political polarization studies of this pair of authors. Therefore, this option is unlikely to be correct based on the prompt’s signal and the common pattern that economic concerns often display notable polarization signals in party systems.

Option B: postmaterialist dimension
- Reasoning: The label ‘postmaterialist’ refers to values-based concerns (e.g., environmentalism, quality of life, civil liberties) that, in some longitudinal analyses, exhibit lower or more diffuse polarization relative to economic or identity-related dimensions. The provided correct answer field identifies this as the dimension with the weakest polarization, and the instruction to compare the figures and read page 9 carefully supports the interpretation that postmaterialist polarization is weaker. This option aligns with the stated answer and the typical interpretation of where polarization attenuates in comparisons of multiple dimensions.

Option C: national identity and immigration
- Reasoning: National identity and immigration often emerge as a highly polarized dimension in party-system analyses, driven by salient policy debates and competing narratives, especially in many European contexts. If this dimension were weakest, we would expect the figures to show relatively flat or minimal variation, which contradicts the common finding that identity/immigration stands out as a highly polarized area. Given the prompt’s hint and the provided answer, this option is inconsistent with the claimed weakest dimension.

Overall, the reasoning across options hinges on how the three dimensions differ in their polarization trajectories over time. The economic dimension tends to show considerable variation in many studies, national identity and immigration often exhibit strong polarization, while the postmaterialist dimension tends to be less polarized in some cross-time analyses. The question directs you to the figures and page 9, where the authors indicate that the postmaterialist dimension exhibits the weakest polarization, making Option B the correct choice based on the given material.

2261 PS 1361 SEC1000 Week 9: Party System Polarization

Dassonneville and Çakır (2021) argue that not all ideological dimensions are equally important. Figures 3-5 show variation of polarization on three dimensions over time. On which dimension is the party system polarization the weakest? (hint: compare the three figures and read p. 9 carefully)

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